Wiki+Project+Mexican+Revolution

The Mexican Revolution Wiki Project

Before you sign up for a topic, be sure that you are aware of others who may be online!

You will be contributing to an extensive timeline of than Revolution (and the decades beyond) that will appear on the Vanowikispace. This is a scaled down version of what you did on the Cuban Revolution project. So, what you need to do is choose 1 topic, and insert your name next to the topic you want. You need to contribute in your own words, and you must do in-text citations and provide a proper bibliography for your sources. Check out last year's work on an assignment of this nature -- located on the Study Pages and titled The Cuban Revolution. Specifically look at the entry on the Dictatorship of Batista. Notice that most of the entries just have a works cited section -- they all got points taken off for citation errors and omissions. Unless you are using just one source, you must provide in-text citations and a works cited section. You'll be likely to receive full credit if you use more than one source and if you use proper citation method. This assignment is worth 25 points. First come first serve on the topics. Last year my class did a good job on the Cuban Revolution, so check out that link on the Study Pages. Due date coming up!

Note: The topics marked on the margins with a circle are subtopics. They are supposed to be bullets under a larger topic. For example, the topic Cardenas’ Presidency has sub-categories that must be covered. Got it! That means the two people who pick Cardenas’ Presidency should cover those topics. I tried to provide some direction for some of the topics.

**The Construction of the Porfiriato**

Porfirio Diaz before 1870 - Anna Mckay

The Plan of Tuxtepec - Elaine Parmelee

In 1871 the incumbent president of Mexico, Benito Juarez decided to run for a fourth consecutive term. Two former supporters, Don Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada and Don Porfirio Diaz, decided to run against the old president. Juarez retained a wide base support and help from his friends throughout the bureaucracy, Lerdo de Tejada was the popular candidate of the upper and middle classes, and Diaz represented hope for the military and conservative outliers. Both newcomers used “no re-election” as their rallying cry. There was no decisive victory, so the decision went to Congress who chose Juarez. Diaz was angered by this unraveling of events and began an unsuccessful tantrum-rebellion. When Juarez died of a heart attack the following year, Lerdo de Tejada took the position of interim president and won the next official election against Diaz. In 1875 he announced his decision to run again (Mayer). The Plan de Tuxtepec was written in December 1875 in response to the attempted re-election of Lerdo de Tejada. Profirio Diaz and the other authors of this plan (Vincente Riva Palacio, Ireneo Paz, and Protasio Tagle) distrusted Lerdo de Tejada because he had abandoned constitutional values, especially the doctrine of no re-election. His opposition was fearful that if they allowed Lerdo de Tejada and his staff to remain in office they would further corrupt the Mexican government. The original version contained a formal criticism of Lerdo de Tejada’s government and eight articles decreeing necessary reforms and upholding the Constitutional law against re-election of presidents. Their criticisms included “violat[ion] of moral law,” “rejecting all independent citizen [rights],” “the president and his minions dismiss governors,” “treasury expenses squandered,” “public education has been neglected,” “the country has been surrendered to an English company with the award Veracruz railroad,” and “selling the country to the neighboring country [the United States]” (Iglesias). On January 10th, 1876 an amended version of the Plan was introduced. This adaptation included three more articles, the most important of which was the appointment of Porfirio Diaz as head of the insurrection. They achieved victory over the Lerdistas in one decisive battle at Tecoac on November 21, 1976 (Mayer). Porfirio Diaz became president of Mexico for the next 30 years, and enacted this version of the articles: (translation and summarization, exact text available here)

[]


 * Article 1. The Constitution of 1857, the Reform Act of September 25, 1873 and the Law of December 14, 1874 must be upheld by the Mexican government and are its Supreme Laws.


 * Article 2. Supreme Laws state that re-election of presidents or state governors in Mexico is illegal.


 * Article 3. Don Lerdo de Tejada and his employees are disavowed of their positions.


 * Article 4. Governors of every state must recognize this document to remain in power. If they do not, their state will not be recognized by the new government and they will lose their position to their heads of army.


 * Article 5. In two months, real elections will be held to replace Lerdo de Tejada and his staff. These elections will follow the format prescribed by the law of February 12, 1857 and the law of October 23, 1872.


 * Article 6. During the time before the election, the position of president will be given to the state with the most support by governors, but will not have power beyond basic administrative functions.


 * Article 7. The first assembly of the new government will be an 8th Constitutional Congress where they will reform Article 2 of the Constitution which allows for independence of municipalities.


 * Article 8. Anyone organizing against this government in alignment with Lerdo de Tejada, or attempting to organize an army will be immediately considered guilty of cooperation with the opposition.
 * Article 9. Officials who helped with the writing and establishment of this plan will be rewarded appropriately with ranks and decorations.


 * Article 10. Profirio Diaz will be recognized as commander in chief of the army.


 * Article 11. Another general in chief of the army will be appointed later.

> > > **Works Cited**
 * Article 12. There is no motive to enter into agreement with the enemy that will pardon a Mexican from the death sentence.

Mayer, Eric. “The Beginning of Moderinzation: 1867-1876.” History of Mexico 5. Dr. E’s Social Science Webzine. Created 2001. Accessed October 17, 2009. []

Iglesias, Román Gonzáles. “Plan deTuxtepec.” 500 años de México en documentos. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. Legal Research Institute. Created 1998. Accessed October 18, 2009. []

Manuel Gonzalez’s Administration of 1884

Romero Rubio

Diaz’s Conciliation Policy (2 people can sign up for this one) - be sure to include the various groups involved in this policy

=Mexico’s Industrial Revolution under Diaz= - Trey

Porfirio Diaz was born in Oaxaca, Mexico and came to power in 1877-1880. He was again elected in 1884 and maintained his dictatorship luntil 1911. Diaz was an advocate of modernization and implemented this into his policies of industrialization. He improved highways and railroads, including the railroad form Veracruz to Mexico City. During his dictatorship he increased the amount of railroads by one thousand percent (Sterns, 158). He encouraged technological tools and foreign investment, both of which spurred industrialization. Diaz also helped spurr industry by increasing the amount of material his country could produce by building factories.The construction of factories and influx of capital was a significant part of this industrialization but also widened the gap between the elite and the peasants. They were paid poorly and faced terrible conditions. They were exploited by companies whose policies were not regulated. They could be made to work twelve to fourteen hour days while there bosses earned enormous profit. Diaz's regime did however help the elite class. Per capital income rose thirty percent between 1877 and 1910 even as the population rose seventy-five percent. (Sterns, 159). Under the Diaz regime, the number of manufacturing companies multiplied by a factor of seven and the Mexico experienced the creation of its first major steel company and brewery. In the early years of the Diaz regime, Mexico experienced a secure economy. Mexico had more exports than imports, creating a healthy balance-of-payment situation (Sterns, 160), and had its highest economic growth rates in its history. These economic growths were due largely in part to the increasing numbers of the working class, who were becoming disgruntled by their poor conditions and competition from advanced foreign technicians. (Sterns, 160) Mexico also paid its national debt in full and the majority of the country had electricity (Mexonline).

Negative Affects Diaz’s encouragement of foreign investment and industrialization increased the gap between the elite aristocracy and the poor masses of Mexico. The country grew more and more dependent on foreign markets for its income. The foreign industries aided by Diaz served as unfair competition to the less-modernized working class and strikes broke out. These strikes were often met with violent suppression, only raising the tension of the masses. In 1907, workers in a textile factory rebelled against their 12 hour work day and terrible working conditions. Troops immediately began firing into the crowds, resulting in the death of hundreds (Sterns, 161). Diaz also used rurales to break strikes, an equally unpleasing abuse of power. Diaz’s attempt to industrialize Mexico was incredibly successful in the early years of his regime. The economic success continued in his later years, however the consequences of such dramatic success led to the revolts led rebels such as Pancho Villa and Zapata. His policies benefited the rich hacendados and further perpetuated the problems of the masses.

[[image:http://www.filosoficas.unam.mx/%7Eafmbib/BibVirtual/Autores/ramirez_nigromante.jpg align="right" caption="Ignacio Ramirez, commonly known as "El Nigromante""]]
More commonly known under his pen name “The Necromancer” (El Nigromante in Spanish), was born in San Miguel el Grande on June the 23rd of 1818 and died in Mexico on June the 15th of 1879. Highly critical of the Mexican government, Ramirez did not escape imprisonment and suppression. Of his writings, none were ever collected, but it is known he founded the paper “Don Simplicio” (Mister Simpleton) and published an article, “Manual of Rudimentary Knowledge,” in 1873 (Warner, 450).
 * Ignacio Ramirez**

The majority of the hardships Ramirez faced occurred before Diaz ever took office, when he did Ramirez was given the position of secretary of justice, instruction and public works. Eventually Ramirez resigned and returned to the supreme court.

Peza was born in Mexico city, 1852, to a conservative family. Favored by Ignacio Ramirez, Peza attends the School of Medicine and befriends other great thinkers of the time. Eventually Peza follows his liberalism ideas and abandons medicine to pursue a career in journalism. After a brief career in politics that proved more connections, Peza turns to writing poetry. His style is unique, not due to revolutionary ideas, or satirical criticisms of officials, but because it embodies all that is gentle and calm. Keeping to a common words, and a four lined stanza set up, Peza is able to enthrall the reader into calming scenes within a child's life, or the love life of a grown man. A short example of one such poem, “Guns and Dolls”:
 * Juan de Dios Peza**

"John and Margot, two sibling angels Embellish my home with affection Play games as human That seems people since childhood.

While John, aged three, is a soldier And mounted on a flimsy, hollow reed, Kiss margot with pomegranate lips The cardboard lips on her wrist.

Her innocent look both galas, And so sweet happy dreams of bonds; He who crosses the bullets serene; She who cradles a child in her arms."

While the translation is rough from Spanish to English, the beauty in the simplicity of the writing and the gentleness of it is impossible to ignore.

**Art**
**Jose Guadalupe Posada** Born into a low class family in Aquascalientes (February 2, 1852) Posada received all of his education from his schoolteacher brother, Cirilo. Among the basics, reading and writing, Posada learned how to draw, an action which later set about his down fall and his success. By the time Posada was a teen he had already posted cartoons in the newspaper, // El Jicote. // Posada's cartoons consisted mainly of skeletons dressed in fancy clothing doing absurd acts and mimicking officials. These skeletons managed to incorporate themselves into a Mexican Holiday, Dia de los Muertos.

Unfortunately for Posada, he attracted unwelcome political attention and repression for his satirical, sarcastic draws. The first incident was with a former cacique (a regional boss), Jesus Gomez Portugal, when Portugal had become fed up with Posada's mocking, and when he returned to power, forced Posada and his partner Leon to move away. Through out Posada's career as an artist, he acted as a journalist and newspaper editor, even creating a few of his own. With each act of defiance Posada produced, he was placed in jail and repressed further. On January 20th, 1913 Posada passed away as poor as he had been when his artistic career began. (Tuck) Inspired by Posada's engravings, Orozco used his art as a method of showing the Mexican peoples struggle to obtain justice. Born in what is today Ciudad Guzman on November 23, 1883, and moving to Mexico city several years later, Orozco was unsure of art as a future career. It wasn't until the upstart of the Mexican revolution that he used his skills to passionately depict the struggles of the people and the revolution. Many of his paintings and drawings (Orozco's style was different than Posada's engravings) were inspiring murals of national heroes, or satirical work criticizing unpopular leaders.
 * Jose Clemente Orozco**

Although his artistic fame was concentrated more around the Mexican Revolution, he is commonly associated with Jose Clemente Orozco and Jose Guadalupe Posada in Mexican art history. One painting of his, characterizes Diaz as he was viewed during his rule of Mexico.
 * David Alfaro Siqueiros** [[image:diaztramp.jpg width="261" height="170" align="right" caption="Siqueiros' painting of Diaz standing on the Mexican constitution."]]

**Music**
Although music does not generally come into mind when reviewing literature of any time period, a certain type of music showed relevance within the Diaz regime, and has had a lasting effect on the Mexican people. A form of a ballad consisting of four lined stanzas, each line containing eight syllables, and played to an accelerated waltz tune, was given the name of “corrido” (the translation into English means “to run”). When performed, the words within a stanza are sung without pauses giving the song a fast pace, hence the name. While the main use of corridos was to retell stories of interest, or events (either national or local), a song would often be referred to as a corrido if it followed the format and rhyming pattern. It is very similar to the Spanish //romance// genre of music, the only alteration is a slightly different division of the stanzas.

The nature of these songs are not set in a rigid mold. Variations can and will occur, but over time certain characteristics have become part of the norm. The singer usually acknowledges the audience with a phrase about why they wish to perform the song. The audience will be told of the time, place and who the main character of the corrido is. As with every interesting tale, there is a conflict between two opposing forces that drives the plot onwards. This can be replaced with the protagonists disagreements depending on the type of corrido. A message is often conveyed through corridos that give them an effective power. As Mexico grew closer to the Revolution, these messages became more focused. Both the protagonist and the singer will give their farewells through the lyrics, and thus concluding the performance.
 * Format of the Corrido**
 * The opening-
 * The setting-
 * The conflict-
 * The moral-
 * The Salutations-

While the majority of corridos did contain these traits, they did not necessarily poses all of them or emphasis them in the same manner. The time period, along with the type and topic of the corrido played an important role on the characteristics.

Corridos can be broken down into three categories depending on the subject they handled.
 * Types of Corridos**

Lyric Corrido- One of the most important varieties of the corrido that separates it from the //romance//, is the lyric corrido. The lyrics accompany a guitar and are passionately sung from the depths of the artists soul. Epic Corrido- The epic corrido was used to inspire hope within the listeners as the tales of the central characters. Narrative Corrido- The narrative version of the corrido was possibly the most practical and useful type. It was used to pass on news and any event that would have peaked the interest of the public.

While it is not included in the above three, the border corrido was developed during the early stages of the Mexican revolution and can not be ignored in the importance it played. Even today the corrido has managed to live through the generations, with several adaptations that eventually formed a new type called the “narcocorrido,” with the subject of drug dealers as its almost solo topic. In today's corrido, the music has changed from a waltz formatted song to one more similar to the polka.

One popular example that most, if not everyone, have heard the opening lines to before, is “La Cucaracha” which translates to “The Cockroach.” Although the origins to the original “La Cucaracha” are vague (its believed to have grown from some marine background, as one stanza hints to), it was morphed and used extensively in the Mexican revolution as a satirical song against President Huerta and Madero, along with Pancho Villa and Zapata. Another example that covers an extensive group is “La Valentina.” The narrator confesses his love to a woman through four short stanzas. Many corridos address struggles face by woman in Mexican society, or in the case of “La Valentina” are love ballads to women.
 * Examples**

**Sources**
Garza, Humberto. “Los Poetas” Dr. Justo S. Alarcon. 18 October 2009 <[]>. Tuck, Jim. “Mexico's Daumier: Jose Guadalupe Posada (1852-1913).” __Mexconnect__. October 9, 2008. Adelante. 17 Oct. 2009 <[]>. Tuck, Jim. “The Artist as Activist: David Alfaro Siqueiros (1896-1974).” __Mexconnect__. 9 October, 2008. Adelante. 17 Oct. 2009 <[]>. Tuck, Jim. “Tragedy and Triumph: the Drama of Jose Clemente Orozco (1883-1949).” __Mexconnect__. 9 October, 2008. Adelante. 17 Oct. 2009 <[]> Warner, Charles D. “Ramirez, Ignacio” __Library of the World's Best Literature, Ancient and Modern__ Ed. Charles Warner. 43 volume. New York: R.S. Peale. United States “Ignacio Ramirez.” __Evisum Inc.__ 2000 Evisum Inc. 17 Oct. 2009 <[]>. “Jose Guadalupe Posada: My Mexico.” __University of Hawaii Art Gallery__ 2000. University of Hawaii. 18 Oct. 2009 <[]>

Images taken from: [|http://www.filosoficas.unam.mx/~afmbib/BibVirtual/Autores/ramirez_nigromante.html] [] []

The Hacienda System (under Diaz)- Danielle Gerik **The Hacienda system under Diaz regime (1876-1880, 1884-1911)** Diaz allotted a small group of wealthy land owners, primarily his friends or those on his good side, land grants with which they could use to create their hacienda. The owner of the land was called the Patron, who was enormously wealthy. The peasants working on the land were called the Peons. The words Peon comes from the Spanish work pie or foot. The name referred to how the Peons worked on foot and not horse back, as the Patron did. The Campesino was the field hand who was perpetually in debt to the Patron with little hope of coming out of debt. When the Peons needed a loan for such things as weddings, funerals, sickness, they had to get that form the Patron. Often the Campesino would be in debt for their entire lives and that debt was passed on to their children to bear. The Peons lived on the land but did not own the land. This perpetuated a feeling of hopelessness and fatalism. The Peons sees no way of getting out of the system so all their goals are short term. The Patron tried to make that peons think that they were hopeless and squashed any ideas of people with rebellious thoughts. The church was also involved in the oppression of free though. Most of the Peons were deeply religious and attended church where the services encouraged conservative ideas. When the peons did come by some money it was spent immediately on alcohol and fiestas so they could enjoy a temporary break from their miserable lives. Long term oppression led many of the Peon to believe that wealth was divided up because of a condition of nature instead of being gained through work (Jules).
 * Dominated Mexican society
 * Controlled societies politics
 * Created a small profit
 * In place to suppress and control the masses
 * Wages low enough that peons trapped to remain in Hacienda for generations of debt
 * Control state government and rural politics
 * Lack of technology depend on manual labor of unskilled laborers
 * Existed for agricultural exports only
 * Can’t sustain the needs of the Mexican people
 * Pushed indigenous peoples of their land and forced them to work as Peons
 * Diaz’s way of assuming full power over everyone
 * The Hacienda System framework**

The Hacienda system aimed for more status preservation that for economic production. The emphasis was to create a culture whose framework depended on the hacienda system as the basis for social rank. There were large land holdings but the productivity was relatively small. Only the best land was cultivated. When production was low the prices soared and when the production was high the prices were lowered (Jules). The system depended on intense manual labor done by unskilled laborers. The lack of technology made jobs tedious and slow with technology that was centuries old. The system did not maintain the needs of the Mexican people. The people produced raw materials and imported foodstuff. In the 1990s the production of foodstuff stagnated and couldn’t keep up with the rate at which population grew. The production per capita declined. There was a decline in the years 1907-1910 do to drought and lack of modern irrigation. This affected the agriculture in Mexico because after this point they depended on the US for imported food. The production of alcohol was the only thing that increased because the average worker lived a miserable life so alcoholism ran rampant. The death rate do to alcoholism in Mexico was six times that of France (Mayor).
 * Productivity**

The Hacienda system grew under Diaz’s regime which meant it expanded onto natives lands. The tensions between indigenous, Mestizo and Creole people reached its peek during Diaz regime bring Native land back under attack. To satisfy the creoles and mestizos Diaz did not interfere with the wealth they attained through the haciendas. Each new Hacienda forced more indigenous peoples of their land and what often happened was they became the new peons of the land they previously owned. The work force in Mexico was typically of Indian heritage. (Janick) When Haciendas were taken back over by the Peons Diaz sent out armies to quell the revolt. With the help of the state government and guardias rurales Diaz was able to maintain the haciendas executively (Mayor).
 * Expropriation of Native’s land**

Diaz maintained control through his economic advancements. He was able to balance the Mexican budget in 1894. Mexico was the worlds largest silver producer. Diaz favored a small group of landowners. He aimed to promote economic growth in Mexico to attract foreign investment and capital. His goal, to make the wealthy wealthier, was to insure his political survival because he needed to maintain the support from his inner circle of elites (Mayor). In 1910 Mexico had 900 large land owners and a landless rural population of 9 million people out of a total of 15 million total people. Diaz’s father in law, Enrique, owned 8.7 million acres composed of textile mills, railroads, haciendas, ranches, granaries, telephone companies and several mines. The Terrazan-Creel clan owned more acreage of hacienda estates than the size of Costa Rica. Much of the land was owned by foreigners. Diaz worked into the constitution an amendment that allowed foreigners to own subsoil minerals which opened mines and oil fields to foreign ownership (Mabry). Working with Diaz was his trusted scientificos or scientists in English. They held the belief of social Darwinism and that societies could only progress through merciless individual competition. They though that scientific principals could be applied to government. Ironically they believed that the native majority were incapable of rational thought although Diaz was himself, mestizo. During Diaz’s tyrannical reign Mexico regressed for the masses of people trapped in the Hacienda system. “In Mexico, because of special privileges given by the government, medievalism still prevails outside cities. The barons are richer and more powerful than the landed aristocrats before the French revolution, and the canaille poorer, more miserable” (Turner)
 * Diaz’s regime**

__Works Cited__ Mabry J., Donald. "Diaz, Porfiro (1830-1915)." //Historical Texts Archive//. 1990-2009. Custom PHP Design, Web. 18 Oct 2009. Mr. Vano’s power point Mayor, Eric. "The Triumph of Neo-colonialism, Latin American History." //Emayzine//. 2001. Hosfordvision, Web. 18 Oct 2009. Janick, Jules. "Tropical Horticulture." //Hacienda System//. 2005. Web. 18 Oct 2009.

The Rise of an Industrial Proletariat

Intellectual Opposition to Diaz

= The Fall of the Dictatorship =

General Bernardo Reyes-

The National Liberal Party

=Ramon Corral (January 10, 1854- November 12, 1910)=

By Priscilla Apone
 Ramón Corrales Verdugo was involved in the Mexican political arena by being a part of a group known as the cientificos which was a body of people who advised President Porfirio Diaz. These cientificos were men who believed in science and rejected religion, believing that it had no place in the political arena. Corral and a select number of others followed the positivist policy brought about by Herbert Spencer. This policy was such that the progression of man occurred in three steps which include: “the theological, the metaphysical, and the positive” (Bourdeau). Herbert Spencer modeled this way of looking at the world after the Positivism theory of Aguste Comte. The first stage is the theological which means that man understands very little about the world around him and therefore uses supernatural means to justify what he sees. Religion and deities came into being during this stage, according to both Spencer and Aguste. The next stage could not take place without the theological stage because it is the transition from a theological way of the looking at the world to a metaphysical way. This second phase is a shift from theology to more scientific methods of observing the world. The last stage is the positive stage which allows man to look at the world only through the film of science, with no religious of supernatural filters in between. Science dictates how man lives his life and the phenomena he sees (Bourdeau). All cientificos, including Corral followed this policy and advised Diaz according to its doctrine. These cientificos felt that they were progressing Mexico by moving away from supernatural and religious justifications.

Corral started off his career not as an adviser to Porfirio Diaz but as a journalist to two magazines. These magazines were El Fantasma and Voz de Alamos which were publications that denounced the leader of Sonora at this time General Ignacio Pesqueira. During the revolution Ramon Corral served dutifully in the military and served as an insurgent for the overthrow of Pesqueira. After the overthrow of Pesqueira Corral was elected to the vice-governorship of Sonora, Mexico (World to-day). The constitutional governor at this time was taking a leave of absence so Corral essentially ruled as the governor of Sonora. In an article by the New York Times Corral was described as being “high handed” but the author goes on to say that he “secured peace, and the business interests of the state thrived” during his time as governor (NY Times).

An accomplishment of Ramon Corral during his term as vice-governor was his “establishment in the state of an excellent system of public schools” (World to-day). The people loved him at this time and when he retired from his position as vice-governor to become Secretary of State under Porfirio Diaz in 1891 it was to the somber disappointment of many natives of Sonora. Corral served as Secretary of State until 1895 and on December 19, 1900 Corral was elected to the post of governor of Sonora. It was not until June 20, 1910 Porfirio Diaz handpicked him to be his vice presidential candidate (Keen and Haynes). Those opposing Corral suggest that he was chosen because Diaz knew that he was widely disliked by the people and so he was inadvertently threatening them with Corral “with Ramon Corral one heartbeat away from the presidency of Mexico, no one, not even don Porfirio’s loudest critics, would want any harm to fall on the seventy-four-year-old leader” (Almaraz). He was giving them a glimpse of whom they would have to deal with if he were to die. Porfirio Diaz was scaring them into wanting him alive to take another term as president. Others suggest that Diaz was interested in Corral because he was moderately well liked among the people and because he was not a military man. Whatever the reason the Diaz-Corral ticket won the election, nearly unanimously. During Corral’s term he was hated by the people who believed that he had stolen the election and that it was illegal for Diaz to have hand picked his own vice president.

Corral’s future as the next president was set because Diaz had already chosen him to succeed him when he died. In 1911 Diaz makes his decision to allow Ramon Corral to take his place however, Corral had been diagnosed with pancreatic cancer earlier on and when he travelled to Paris, France for treatment it was discovered that his condition was incurable (O’Shaughnessy). Corral makes the decision then to resign from his post as vice president and sends his letter of resignation in to Francisco Leon de la Barra the foreign secretary to Diaz. Below is a copy of the resignation letter Ramon Corral sent in before his death on November 10, 1912.

//Copy of Ramon Corral's resignation letter: On the two occasions that the national convention advanced my candidacy as Vice-President of the republic, to figure in the elections with Gen. Diaz as President, I stated that I was prepared to occupy any office in which compatriots considered that I would be of use, and that if the public vote conferred upon me a position so far above my merits, then my intention would be to second in all respects Gen. Diaz's policy, in order to co-operate with him, as far as it lay in my power, toward the aggrandizement of the nation, which had developed so notably under his administration.//  //Those who concern themselves with public affairs and have observed their progress during the last few years will be able to say whether I have complied with my intention. // //For my part, I can say that I have never endeavored to bring about the least obstacle either in the President's policy or his manner of carrying it out even at the cost of sacrificing my convictions, both because this was the basis of my programme and because this corresponded to my position and my loyalty, as well as that I did not seek any prestige in the office of Vice-President, so useful in the United States and so discredited in Latin countries. //<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 13pt; text-indent: 0in ! important;"> //<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 13pt; text-indent: 0in ! important;">In the events which have shaken the country during these latter months, the President has been brought to consider that it is patriotic to resign from the high office that the almost unanimous vote of Mexicans had conferred upon him in the last election, and that it is advisable at the same time, in the interest of the country, that the Vice-President do likewise, so that new men and new energies should continue forwarding the prosperity of the nation. //<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 13pt; text-indent: 0in ! important;"> //<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 13pt; text-indent: 0in ! important;">Following my programme of seconding Gen. Diaz's policy, I join my resignation with his and in the present note I retire from the office of Vice-President of the republic, begging the chamber to accept the same at the same time as that of the President. <span style="color: #000000; font-family: Helvetica,Verdana,Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 17px; line-height: 25px;"> //I beg of you gentlemen to inform yourselves of the above, which I submit with the protests of my highest consideration.

<span style="color: #444444; font-family: Tahoma; font-size: 16px; font-style: normal; line-height: normal;">Although Ramon Corral’s political ambitions were cut short due to his death he still led an incredible life and never gave up the cause he led for the progression of the Mexican people. He may have been hated during his later years for the decisions he made but there can be no denying that everything Corral did was for the betterment of his people. He started out as a humble journalist willing to put pen to paper and suffer the scorn of his government in order to get his message out. Corral fought for peace as a vice-governor and earned the respect of his countrymen by leading an honest and law-abiding life. He reformed Mexico’s public school system and the people loved him for it. Do not think that Ramon Corral was a selfish leader because he wasn’t he simply did all he could to advance his people and that in itself is admirable.

Works Cited: <span style="color: #000000; font-family: Helvetica,Verdana,Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 17px; line-height: 25px; text-indent: 0in ! important;"> <span style="font-family: Helvetica; text-indent: 0in ! important;">1. __The Legislature and a Vice Presiden__t.18 October. 2009 <http://cdigital.dgb.uanl.mx/la/1020003015/1020003015_043.pdf> 2. O'Shaughnessy, Edith. (1920). [|//Intimate pages of Mexican history.//] pp.101-102 3. <span style="font-family: Calibri,helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 19px;">Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. //A History of Latin America.// Boston, USA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.

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4. New York Times. Ramon Corral.New York: 1912. 18 October 2009 < []> 5. <<span style="font-family: Verdana,helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: normal;">http://books.google.com/books?id=o24AAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA1223&lpg=PA1223&dq=ramon+corral+life&source=bl&ots=RFEP0qgKf2&sig=Ij-ymp9WRgRQ9ztcQJL-mEb_6pY&hl=en&ei=j4baSp61HI2otgOapJixCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CBcQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=ramon%20corral%20life>&f=false ======

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<span style="color: #000000; font-family: Verdana,helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: normal; text-decoration: none;">6. Bourdeau: <http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/comte/> 7. [] ======

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<span style="font-family: Verdana,helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: normal; text-decoration: none;">8. [|http://books.google.com/books?id=o24AAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA1223&lpg=PA1223&dq=ramon+corral+governor&source=bl&ots=RFEP1ojKh- &sig=ignfPowHZDgQFcCU6AYby-gFZ2g&hl=en&ei=8crbSpOJJoGesgOgx-WxCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5&ved=0CBgQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=ramon%20corral%20governor&f=false] <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif; line-height: normal; text-decoration: none;"> ====== 9. <span style="font-family: Verdana,Verdana,Arial,sans-serif; line-height: normal;">http://www.co.bexar.tx.us/commct/cmpct4/News_Room/SPEECHES/Critical_Speeches/Dr__Felix_Almaraz/dr._felix_almaraz.htm__ Links to Pictures: 1. http://www.historiadehermosillo.com/historiadesonora/sonorahistorico_archivos/image029.jpg 2. http://americanhistory.si.edu/brown/history/2-battleground/images/mendezclass.jpg 3. http://www.emersonkent.com/images/francisco_leon_de_la_barra.jpg <span style="font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 19px;">

Andres Molina Enriquez – The Great National Problems

=The Creelman Interview and Diaz’s Re-election= <span style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif';">On February 17th, 1908, Porfirio Diaz consented to an interview with James Creelman, an American journalist from Pearson’s Magazine. At 78 years old, Diaz had ruled the Mexican Republic for the past 27 years. However, he was facing intense opposition from liberals who demanded one-term executive limits, guarantees of civil liberties, freedom from the Catholic Church, free public education, and land reform. Capitalism was criticized as a mode of exploitation, which was aggravated by the contemporary exposure of corruption in the U.S. in industry and business. Strikes broke out in Veracruz, a textile region, and in copper mining areas of Sonora, and Diaz’s military use of violence to quell the strikes only brought a greater public anger (Britannica). It is speculated that Diaz chose to give the Creelman interview in order to dispute claims of corruption in his government. In the interview, Creelman described Diaz as a stern yet wise and just ruler. Creelman asserted that though Diaz rules with an iron fist, and sometimes uses harsh methods, he is still the Mexican hero of democracy: <span style="color: black; font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif';">“There is not a more romantic or heroic figure in all the world, nor one more intensely watched by both the friends and foes of democracy, than the soldier-statesman, whose adventurous youth pales the pages of Dumas, and whose iron rule has converted the warring, ignorant, superstitious and impoverished masses of Mexico, oppressed by centuries of Spanish cruelty and greed, into a strong, steady, peaceful, debt-paying and progressive nation” (Creelman). <span style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif';">Creelman painted a portrayal of Diaz as a noble leader who had the ability to make himself a dictator yet had enough integrity and confidence to allow party opposition. Diaz claimed “I have no desire to continue in the Presidency. This nation is ready for her ultimate life of freedom” (Creelman). With this statement, Diaz could not back down on promises that he believed Mexico was ready to strive for democracy, even if that meant another party and another leader must be elected into office in order to make such a change. However, it is important to note that Diaz never gave a specific time of when such change would be made – many Mexicans assumed that he would not run for reelection. In fact, Diaz decided he did not wish to step down and instead would allow Francisco Madero to run against him. At first he did not consider Madero to be a formidable opponent. However, once Madero managed to become the candidate of the opposition anti-reelectionist party. Diaz was threatened by his popularity and had Madero arrested and charged with preparing an armed rebellion, along with many of his supporters. The election was held on June 21st, 1910, and it was announced that Diaz and his vice president Ramon Corral were elected by a practically unanimous vote (Keen & Haynes).

Works cited:
 * “Porfirio Díaz.” The New Encyclopedia Britannica 15th Edition: 1993, p. 70
 * Creelman, James. “Porfirio Diaz”. //Pearson’s Magazine//, 1908.
 * Keen, Benjamin, and Haynes, Keith. __A History of Latin America__. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2004.

- Genevieve Beck

= = =Ricardo Flores Magon= __**<span style="font-family: Helvetica,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> Timeline of Magon's Life**__ 1873 September 16th: Born in San Antonio Eloxochitlan, Oaxaca to parents D. Teodoro Flores and Margarita Magon. 1893 Started studying law in the Esculea Nacional de Jurispredencia. Continued for three years, but stopped, never completing law school. 1900 August 7th he and his brother Jesus founded the newspaper Regeneracion as an “independent organ of combat” 1901 at the Liberal congress held in San Luis Potosi he shot down the Diaz administration, declaring it “a den of bandits” 1901 May 22nd through April 30th 1902 he was held prisoner at Belen prison without trial. Suppressed the publication of Regeneracion 1903 February Daniel Cabrera’s newspaper El Hijo Del Ahuizote collapsed, causing Magon to lose the position he had as a writer while in prison. 1903 October he was released after being imprisoned in Belen again and prohibited from publishing in Mexico 1904 November 5th renewed publication of Regeneracion 1906 September Mexican Liberal Party was founded and he traveled back to Texas to meet with the Mexican Liberal party factions 1907 Mexican Liberal Party established Regeneracion in Los Angeles 1907 August he was thrown in jail in LA and then transferred to Tombstone, Arizona 1910 August he was released from the Florence penitentiary and started Regeneracion for a third time, and planned for a revolt in Baja California 1911 arrested again 1918 March 22nd he was arrested on a charge of sedition 1919 November, he was transferred to Leavenworth penitentiary 1922 November 21 he passed away at Leavenworth

__Troubles with the U.S.__ Durning his Life, Ricardo Flores Magon was arrested many times, most of which were in the United States. When he was arrested in Mexico, it was for political reasons, causing too much unrest among the people. When he was arrested in the United States, it was for the border problems that he had caused. The United States blamed him for the border skirmishes that had happened and for the issues along the Mexico/United States border. He was thrown in jail on multiple accounts for reasons such as having a conspiracy to violate the neutrality laws. By his writings and many things he published in Regeneracion, he was in favor of starting an uprising in Mexico, and the United States believed that it would cause too many disputes on the border. This idea was strengthened by the fact that he worked with people who had conducted border raids, such as the Tejanos. The United States finally kept him under wraps by sentencing him to jail for sedition and violation of the Espionage Act of 1917. Though the sedition he was causing was towards the Mexican government, the United States saw his writings as ways of slowing down the U.S. military in their attempts, so they jailed him. His writings were causing interference with the U.S. Military, particularly with the border raids. Though they were not directly his fault, his speeches and writings caused many to believe in the revolution. The main problem between Magon and the U.S. was the Mexican revolution. He was too involved in it that it was causing problems for both sides, which was what Magon needed to begin with.

Works Cited Raat, W. Dirk."Flores Magon, Ricardo." 2008. The Handbook of Texas Online. <http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/FF/ffl28.html> Soylent Communications. "Ricardo Flores Magon." __NNDB: Tracking the entire world__. 20 Oct. 2009 <http://www.nndb.com/people/841/000095556/>. <span style="font-family: serif,sans-serif;">

Francisco Madero - Ali Chaudhry

Plan of San Luis and Impact on Revolution

Treaty of Ciudad Juarez- Peter

The Treaty of Ciudad Juarez In May of 1911, Porfirio Diaz and his advisors decided to come to a compromise with Francisco Madero as to avoid an invasion of the capital city by Emiliano Zapata’s agrarian rebel army. Madero completely ignored the warnings of the left wing of the revolutionary movement against making deals with the Diaz regime and signed The Treaty of Ciudad Juarez on May 21. The Treaty of Ciudad Juarez declared that Diaz had to resign from the presidency of Mexico by the end of May 1911, and that Francisco Leon de la Barra would assume an interim presidency and would subsequently be responsible for holding free presidential elections. However the treaty left completely intact all of the preexisting Diaz institutions, including the federal army. The Treaty of Ciudad Juarez made no mention for social change, and social conditions in Mexico stayed the same. Three days later Diaz resigned and left for Europe. On June 7 “Madero entered Mexico City in triumph, but the rejoicing crowds who thronged in the streets to greet “the apostle of democracy” was premature. The provisional president was closely tied to the old regime and had no sympathy with the revolution” (pg. 284 Keen & Haynes). Under Leon de la Barra the Diaz bureaucracy was left intact. The Porfirsta aristocracy completely intended on regaining power.

Works Cited Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. //A History of Latin America.// Boston, USA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.

= E miliano Zapata: Maderista=



Revolutionary Roots
Emiliano Zapata was born August 8, 1879 in the Mexican province Morelos. He grew up in a rural household, but unlike most farming families at the time, he was not poor. Living an agricultural lifestyle, he was taught how to ride a house and shoot a gun at a young age (Brunk 14). As a child, he witnessed the brutal reposession of peasant lands at the hands of Hacendados and supposedly declared his distaste of the Hacienda system and swore to get land back his entire life. That moment, much like George Washington's cherry tree fable, is believed to be highly fabricated, but Zapata did indeed spend much of life retrieving stolen lands.

He displayed rebellious tendencies throughout his youth; as the people of the village said: "'Miliano was a brave man who would not take any crap; as a result, already during the time of peace, he was often in trouble." (Brunk 15). From 1902-1905, he played a role in Yautepec's legal initiative against the hacienda of Atihuayan. In February 1908, he gave an interview to American journalist James Creelman, in which Zapata stated that soon the election would be free, which sparked a heated gubernatorial race in Morelos. Mexican dictator Porfirio Diaz placed Escandon as governor, infuriating Zapata. By 1909, he was considered a man who might lead a revolution (Brunk 23).

A Maderista is Born
While Zapata sought for justice in Morelos, a new revolutionary, Francisco Madero was becoming known on the national stage. He had been Diaz's 1910 presidential election opponent, and was arrested and imprisoned the day before the polls opened. Madero escaped and fled to San Antonio, Texas, where on November 20, 1910 he released the Plan of San Luis Potosi, which called for Diaz's resignation. While Madero hardly included rural revolutionaries such as Zapata in his plans, Zapata realized that Madero could help his causes (Brunk 29). Article Three of the Plan of San Luis Potosi specifically allowed for the returning of stolen village lands. Zapata's main goal, as stated earlier, was land reform, so it's no surprise that Zapata supported this document. While he was a hesitant Maderista at first, on April 4, 1911, Madero endowed Zapata with the status as a head of the revolution.

Zapata and his men concentrated their attacks on villages, trying to defeat federal forces in Madero's name. The style of guerilla warfare became common, the most famous being Pancho Villa and Pascual Orozoco's attack on Ciudad Juarez in May 1911. On May 21, 1911, Madero and Diaz's government signed the Treaty of Ciudad Juarez, and Diaz left for Europe soon after (Brunk 38).

Zapata played a critical role in forcing Diaz out, but when Madero finally came to power, his requests for Morelos's provisional government were ignored. On June 7, 1911 he had lunch with Madero. It became clear that Madero had different priorities, including establishing order and disarming Zapata's troops. Zapata asked that the lands be returned to the pueblos at once and that the promises of the revolution be fulfilled (Brunk 41). Madero said that this would take study and legislation, and proceeded to bribe Zapata with "a big ranch". (Brunk 42). While this disgusted Zapata, the two left on good terms.

In Mexico City, many thought Zapata was merely a bandit who only wanted personal gain, but in reality, he was only motivated by patriotism (Brunk 48). The tensionbetween Madero and Zapata only grew stronger. The people of Morelos still didn't have land, they needed a new governor. Madero wanted Zapata's men dischared, but Zapata was suspicious of Madero's motives. In July 1911, Zapata's secretary Abraham Martinez hears of an assasination plot for Madero. He then arrests the suspects, and is consequently arrested by Madero for usurping authority, causing a havoc in Puebla. The people blamed Zapata for this, and Madero became even more angry at Zapata (Brunk 49). While Madero may have been able to fix things in Morelos, Zapata recognized there was no more time for it and went into Morelos to protect them from the siege he knew was bound to come.

Madero and President de la Barra took out Morelo's governor Carréon and replaced him with Figueroa. Madero wrote Figueroa in August 1911 asking him to accept the invitation and to "put Zapata in his place for us because we can no longer bear him." (Brunk 52). Zapata had still not discharged his men as Madero had repeatedly asked, so he sent in General Huerta into Morelos August 9, 1911. Zapata tried to negotiate with Madero on August 13, traveling to Cuautla to talk with Madero via phone, giving him a list of demands, but Madero refuses, and Huerta continues to pursue Zapata and his men, forcing them to hide and fend for their lives (Womack 120).

"No longer a man, but a symbol"
Madero assumes this debacle is taken care of, and focuess on how he'll take national power in a violent contest (Womack 121). On September 26, 1911, Huerta declared his mission accomplished, but he had still not caught Zapata. Huerta's violence and Madero's approval had caused a climatic change: the Maderistas were now Zapatistas (Womack 122). Zapata was more of an idol than ever, and only retreated to rally more men. On the same day Huerta stated he had suceeded, Zapata released a list of demands as a counterrevolutionary (Womack 122). Congressman Jose Maria Lozano declared that "Zapata [was] no longer a man, he [was] a symbol." (Womack 123). On November 12 1911, Zapata and his men had assembled at the Villa de Ayala prepared to negotiate, but were presented with a statement from Madero calling for Zapata's unconditional surrender, saying it was the only acceptable action. (Womack 125)

Late November 1911, Emiliano Zapata and a handful of his men gathered in their mountainous retreat outside Villa de Ayala, and wrote and signed the Plan de Ayala, formally declaring themselves in rebellion against the tyrannical and treacherous Madero (Womack 127). A month earlier, Emiliano Vásquez and his troops signed their own Plan de Ayala, proclaiming General Bernardo Reyes as rightful president. On December 15, 1911, Zapata's Plan de Ayala was nationally published, making the Morelos revolutionaries' intentions known to all.

By mid-January 1912, the rebels all but ran Morelos; on January 17, Governor Figueroa resigned (Womack 133). Figueroa's replacement, Francisco Naranjo Jr, came in as an ally for the rebels (Womack 136). Madero had begun to realize the power Zapata held. On January 25, Madero's brother, Gustavo, released Abraham Martinez from jail, and summoned two of Zapata's men. He asked them to send Zapata as message calling for negotiations and a truce. The men brought this message to Zapata, but he would have none of it. On February 6, he launched a major offensive against the federal government, but they were quick to strike back. On February 9, the federal troops burned down the village of Santa Maria, Zapata's headquarters (Womack 137). General Juvencio Robles told reports: "All Morelos, as I understand it, is Zapatista, and there's not a single inhabitant who doesn't believe in the false doctrines of the bandit Emiliano Zapata." (Womack 138). Robles continued to burn down villages, expecting Zapata's eventual surrender. But by April, the Zapatistas made a comeback: they began reclaiming towns and disrupting rail service to Morelos (Womack 142). In May, Governor Naranjo asked Madero to tame Robles' tactics. On July 17, Naranjo and his associates- the "peaceful rebels"- were inducted into the national government. While this may have been a step towards negotiation, Zapata staged that "not until Madero's downfall will we enter into peace agreements" (Womack 146).

On September 16, 1912, the national legislature came together. On November 1, Zapata's troops began imposing bandit taxes on hacendados; If the hacendados didn't pay up, Zapata's men would promptly burn their fields. A majority of the hacendados refused to pay, and the burnings commenced. But when some did pay, the rebels earned more revenue and saved their reputation amoung the villages (Womack 150). Later in the month, the national legislature declared the situation in Morelos to be a national problem.

Legislator Domingo Diez proposed a bill on December 10 that gave Santa Maria and the surrounding villages their land back. It failed however, because Morelos' new governor, Leyva, opposed it. Zapata's burnings continued, which caused a panic in Mexico City. By February 9, 1913, a national revolt broke out. On February 19, 1913, Madero resigned, possibly because of Zapata's persistent pledge to the revolution (Womack 159).

While Zapata had originally diligently fought to promote the true Maderista cause (Parkinson 64), he remained true to his own passions for land reform and equality. With the help of his fellow revolutionaries and Zapatistas, Emiliano Zapata brought massive change to the Mexican government, and made an impact that will be preserved in history forever.

Content
<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Brunk, Samuel. //<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Emiliano Zapata revolution & betrayal in Mexico //<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1995. Print. Roger., Parkinson,. //<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Zapata a biography //<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">. New York: Stein and Day, 1975. Print. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal;">Womack, John. <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal;">//<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Zapata and the Mexican Revolution // <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal;">. 1st ed. New York: Knopf, 1969. Print.

Photos
===<span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 16px;"> <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%; font-weight: normal;">http://www.spanport.ucsb.edu/projects/llcf/films/comoaguaparachocolate/larevolucionmexicana.html http://www.mexicohotel.com.mx/eng/maps/images/Morelos-fisico-politico.jpg http://www.freedomarchives.org/La_Lucha_Continua/Emiliano_Zapata.html http://www.radiozapatista.org/Imagenes/zapatistas_390-2-776803.jpg <span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 16px; font-weight: normal;"> ===

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">

-MADDIE OVERTURF

Plan de Ayala

Background

During 1911, Emiliano Zapata's escalating conflict with Francisco Madero and his govenment's actions erupted into violence. Though he originally supported Madero's leadership, Zapata became increasingly disenfranchised with the new government, agitated by the fact the Madero utterly failed to deliver on many of his promises to the Mexican people, specifically in the area of agrarian reform (Minster). When Zapata refused the government's demands for him to disarm and disband his army of Zapatists, Madero declared Zapata an outlaw, and send an army under General Huerta's command to pursue him (Minster). (See Emiliano Zapata: Maderista).

Also during 1911, and most likely as a result of his opposition to the government, Zapata became a frequent target of the Mexican and foreign press. Almost universally referred to as a bandit in the media, Zapata lamented that the newspapers were willing pawns of the Mexican government, declaring that "the enemies of the country, and of freedom of the people, have always denounced as bandits those who sacrifice themselves for the noble causes of the people" (Newell 63). One newspaper, somewhat ironically titled //El Imparcial// (//The Impartial//), went as far as to title Zapata "the Attila of the South," a name that was even eventually used by //The New York Times// (The New York Times 10).

To discuss plans for coping with these issues, Zapata gathered the leaders of his men for a conference at the Villa de Ayala in Ciudad Ayala in late autumn. They decided that, in order to improve Zapata's standing in the public eye and to attack Madero and his government, Zapata and his long-time friend Otilio Montano would write a document that would detail the Zapatists' objectives and methods by which they might be carried out, as well as definitively prove that the Zapatists were not bandits (Newell 63). After spending six days of November in the small village of Miquetzingo, Zapata and Montano produced and publicized the //Plan de Ayala// (Newell 63).

The Plan

//The// Plan de Ayala was presented as fifteen numbered "propositions" which were, in Zapata's and Montano's words,//"<span style="font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; line-height: 19px;">formulated to end the tyranny which oppresses us and redeem the fatherland from the dictatorships which are imposed on us" (Zapata and Montano). The propositions were as follows: // //<span style="font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; line-height: 19px;"> 1. A detailed and lengthy description of the grievances of Modero's government that prove his ineptitude, including his complete failure to help realize goals of the Revolution and his use of force to deal with those who asked for these goals to be addressed. A pledge <span style="font-family: Times,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: normal;"> // > > > 2. Recognition of Madero as Chief of the Revolution and Presisdent of the Republic is officially withdrawn. > > > 3. Pascual Orozco will be the new leader of the Revolution. If he does not accept this position, it will be given to Zapata. > > > 4. //The New York Times////Latin American History////Zapata of Mexico////Breaking News, Analysis, Politics, Blogs, News Photos, Video, Tech Reviews - TIME.com// <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times; font-size: 16px; line-height: 37px;">Zapata, Emiliano, and Otilio Montano. "Plan de Ayala." //Department of History : University of Minnesota//. Web. 18 Oct. 2009. <http://www.hist.umn.edu/~rmccaa/la20c/ayala .htm>.
 * to "continue the revolution begun by him, until we achieve the overthrow of the dictatorial powers which exist" (Zapata and Montano).

-Spencer Bailly -rebel leader in Southern Mexico -opponent to Carranza
 * [[image:http://latinolikeme.files.wordpress.com/2009/04/zapata0.jpg width="246" height="330" caption="http://latinolikeme.files.wordpress.com/2009/04/zapata0.jpg"]] ||
 * http://latinolikeme.files.wordpress.com/2009/04/zapata0.jpg ||

__Rebel Leader__
Emiliano Zapata was the mestizo leader of a large force of "agrarian rebels" who seized land in the provinces of Southern Mexico. By 1913, his troops were fighting the national army, as they had refused to disband after General Huerta took power. Zapata's forces were so great in number, that President Huerta was forced to commit large portions of troops to prevent the Zapatistas from seizing more land. This assured that rebellions in other parts of the country would go unchecked (Keen and Hayes, pg.288). This helped secure the position of the nation's other rebel movements, like those under Pancho Villa and Venustiano Carranza (Keen and Hayes, pg.289). Huerta's forces would prove unsuccessful, as Zapatas army would outlast the Huerta regime. Huerta fled Mexico for Europe in August of 1914. At this time, Zapata still presided over large portions of Southern Mexico.

__Opponent to Carranza__
After Huerta fled Mexico, rebel leader Venustiano Carranza declared himself leader of the transitional government. Zapata quickly became disillusioned with Carranza's moderate policies. Having waged a seperate war to oust Huerta, Zapata didnt feel compelled to r ecognize Carranza as the leader of the revolutionary movement. He believed the Plan of Ayala needed to be implemented, no matter what the cost or who stood in the way. A meeting of revolutionary leaders in October 1914 in Augascalientes confirmed this sentiment as it endorsed the Plan of Ayala. The convention also designated a date by which Carranza should resign and elections would be held. However, Carranza ignored the decisions of the Augascalientes convention. As the date of resignation passed, the armies of Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa marched on the capital. Carranza retreated to Veracruz. In December 1914, Villa and Zapata controlled most of the country, but were unable to consolidate their political power. They power (Keen and Hayes, pg. 290-91).
 * [[image:http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Fuerzas_surianas_a_las_ordenes_de_Emiliano_Zapata.jpg width="390" height="286" caption="Zapata's army of "landless peasants" http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Fuerzas_surianas_a_las_ordenes_de_Emiliano_Zapata.jpg"]] ||
 * Zapata's army of "landless peasants" http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Fuerzas_surianas_a_las_ordenes_de_Emiliano_Zapata.jpg ||

____
Carranza was able to enlist Obregon, a prominent Constitutionalist and rebel leader, to join his cause. Obregon routed the Zapatistas from Mexico City in July of 1915. By August, Carranza had appointed General Pablo Gonzalez the task of pursuing Zapata into Morelos. Gonzalez would conduct a campaign of terror and devastation in an interim president named attempt to destroy Zapata. = **Pancho Villa** (a profile) =

= = = =

= =

= = = =

=Villa's Road to Revolution= __//El Gorgojito////hacendado//__
 * Doroteo Arango**
 * Joining the Cause**
 * Revenge against the oppression of the //hacendados//.
 * A chance to absolve his past.
 * Villa's background was that of horse-riding and pistol-shooting.
 * He believed Madero could provide a brighter future for Mexico.
 * He regreted his illiteracy and lack of sophistication. He believed the Revolution could provide Mexicans with a better way of life

= = Leader of Conventionalists = = __//vaqueros////hacendados////jefe politicos//__ = = Opponent of Carranza/Agrarian Revolutionary = =
 * The Fight Against Diaz**
 * Not Done Yet: Bringing Down Huerta**

= = Pershing's Pursuit = =

= = = =
 * Works Cited**
 * Keen, Benjamin and Haynes, Keith. A History of Latin America. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.
 * "Copper Canyon Mexico Tours: Who Was Pancho Villa?" //Mexico's Copper Canyon, Costa Rica, Peru, Galapagos, Bhutan and More//. Web. 18 Oct. 2009. <http://www.calnative.com/stories/n_villa.htm>.
 * Howell, Jeff. //Historical Text Archive: Electronic History Resources, online since 1990//. Web. 18 Oct. 2009. <http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=735>.
 * Haldeen Braddy, //Cock of the Walk: The Legend of Pancho Villa//. (Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, 1970), 90; Frank McLynn, //Villa and Zapata//, 69
 * The National Archives. “The United States Armed Forces and the Mexican Punitive Expedition: Part 2 //By Mitchell Yockelson.// Winter 1997, Vol.29, No. 4. 15 October 2009. http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/1997/winter/mexican-punitive-expedition-2.html
 * Huachuca Illustrated. “The Buffalo Soldiers at Fort Huachuca by James P. Finley.” Volume 1, 1993. 15 October 2009. http://net.lib.byu.edu/estu/wwi/comment/huachuca/HI1-00index.htm

The Dictatorship of Victoriano Huerta
General Victoriano Huerta became President of Mexico following his //coup d’état// during the Tragic Ten Days, or //la Decena Trágica//, which began on February 9, 1913 in Mexico City. As President Francisco Madero’s government collapsed, Huerta, the US Ambassador to Mexico Henry Lane Wilson, and Porfirio Díaz’s nephew Felix Díaz, the leader of an anti-Madero movement, conspired to force Madero and his vice-president José María Pino Suárez from office. Huerta’s ascendancy marked the start of one of the most tumultuous periods of the Mexican Revolution thus far.

President Huerta immediately faced many difficulties, not least of which was that the state governors, of which many were Maderistas, were allowed to remain in office under the conditions of the resignation documents of Madero and Pino Suárez signed just prior to Huerta’s swearing-in (Meyer 61, 64). The alliance between Huerta’s federal troops and the soldiers loyal to Felix Díaz was tenuous at best. Further complicating the situation was the presence of powerful revolutionary forces led by such men as Pascual Orozco, Emiliano Zapata, and Pancho Villa.

Despite Huerta’s vulnerable position over the first few days of his new government, many of the potential causes of disaster quickly resolved themselves (Meyer 68). One by one the state governors, the Mexican Supreme Court, and even Orozco, declared loyalty to Huerta’s government. At the highest levels of the United States government, there was talk of official recognition. The notable exception at this point was a challenge to Huerta’s legitimacy as the sitting president by the governor of Coahuila, Venustiano Carranza, in northern Mexico.

These good signs for Huerta evaporated after the night of February 22, when Madero and Pino Suárez were murdered while being transported to prison (Meyer 82). Carranza’s position was strengthened and the United States decided to not immediately recognize Huerta’s government. Huerta’s military problems were centered in the north, where Villa held great power in Chihuahua and Carranza had garnered the support of local opposition to Huerta, notably Alvaro Obrégon. On March 26, Carranza’s Plan de Guadalupe named him First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army, but the document made no mention of social reform (Keen and Hayes 288).

Huerta, in response to this threat, courted Orozco and Zapata. Orozco was won over with promises of compensation for his army and future agrarian reform from Huerta, becoming one of Huerta's chief generals, while Zapata quickly ended negotiations with the federal government. Huerta was forced to send troops to fight rebels on both northern and southern fronts.

The outbreak of the Constitutionalist Revolution soon dominated the military front of Huerta’s rule (Meyer 90). Other small rebellions that flared up in other states limited Huerta’s ability to launch a coordinated attack against either Carranza or Zapata. Negotiation attempts with revolutionary forces were failed efforts, and Zapata’s followers remained active throughout the Mexican countryside.

During Huerta’s reign, Mexico became increasingly militarized as part of his philosophy of “peace—cost what it may” (Meyer 95). Militarization of the areas under federal control was felt in the education system, public services such as the police department, and throughout the federal government. Forced conscription was directed towards peasants to augment the size of Huerta’s forces. Corruption was at extreme levels.

Despite Huerta’s efforts to increase the strength of the military, he still suffered defeats. Pancho Villa won two key victories against federal troops in October and November 1913 at Torreón, Coahuila and against Orozco in Chihuahua.

Huerta suffered diplomatically too. Despite support from Henry Lane Wilson, President Woodrow Wilson quickly became an enemy of the Mexican government, reluctant to recognize Huerta’s legitimacy (Meyer 111). President Wilson even went as far as to propose a joint effort with the Constitutionalists to remove Huerta. Diplomatic hostility by the United States drove Mexico towards relations with Great Britain, further angering President Wilson’s government (Keen and Hayes 289).

By New Year’s Day, 1914, it was clear that Huerta’s rule would soon come to an end, although this process lasted an additional half-year (Meyer 190). A semi-state of anarchy gradually gripped the country. The Constitutionalists in the north planned to drive south, culminating in a push into Mexico City. The rebels were well supplied, as President Wilson had lifted the arms embargo in February. As Villa’s forces triumphed in Zacatecas, US troops occupied Veracruz on Mexico’s east cost. President Wilson proclaimed that occupation was intended to drive Huerta from power but the rebels denounced direct US involvement. With Constitutionalist troops under Pancho Villa closing in on Mexico City, the massive pressure on all fronts forced Huerta to act (Keen and Hayes 290). He resigned from office on July 15, 1914, and went into self-imposed exile in Europe, leaving Constitutionalist forces to resolve the tenuous situation amongst themselves.


 * Works Cited**

Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. A History of Latin America. 7th ed. Boston: Houghton, 2004. Print.

Meyer, Michael C. Huerta: A Political Portrait. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1972. Print.


 * Carranza's Presidency**

• March 26, 1913, Carranza announced the Plan of Guadalupe • His plan called for Huerta’s dictatorship to be overthrown and for the constitutional government to be restored • Carranza then became the first chief of the Constitutionalist Army • His army had about 40,000 men and he was joined by Villa, but Villa still maintained independence in the state of Chihuahua • Carranza also gained Álvaro Obregón, a leader of anti-Huerta forces in Sonora • Obregón was named the commander of the Army of the Northwest • Carranza was recognized by the legislature as the first chief of the revolution • In February of 1914, Huerta’s fall was inevitable and Carranza assured U.S. President Woodrow Wilson that he and the Constitutionalists would recognize foreign property rights • This caused Wilson to remove the arms embargo on Carranza’s troops • Carranza denounced the U.S. acts related to the U.S. occupation of Veracruz • Carranza then refused to officially negotiate with Wilson at the Niagara Falls Conference in May 1914 • After Huerta was gone there was concern over who would take control • Carranza had never truly defined his position regarding agrarian reform, role of the church and political order • Relations between Carranza and Villa and Zapata were not very good • In October 1914, delegates at the Aguascalientes Convention declared Eulalio Gutiérrez as provisional president and called for Carranza’s resignation • Carranza refused to resign and then later withdrew to Veracruz as Zapata and Villa’s armies came toward Mexico City • Carranza then added to the Plan of Guadalupe so that it included agrarian reform and improved working conditions • He does this to gain support among the peasants • Obregón returned to Mexico City in January 1915 and Carranza formed an alliance with Casa del Obrero Mundial • By the end of 1915, Carranza, Obregón and the Constitutionalists had defeated Villa • In October 1915, President Wilson gave the Carranza government de facto recognition • For Carranza’s government to get de jure recognition they would have to give the U.S. a heavy influence on policy • When the U.S. invaded in 1916, to chase Villa, Carranza denounced the invasion • In the fall of 1916, Carranza called for a constitutional convention • On February 5, 1917, Carranza legally became the president of Mexico • He was the first true president since Madero • The day of the inauguration Obregón, who had been acting as his secretary of war, retired • Soon after he became president, Carranza made it apparent that he had no plans to implement the reforms that the constitution provided for • Only small amounts of land were distributed to villages and many haciendas were returned to the hacendados • Other haciendas were given to some of his generals • Under Carranza the working class was repressed and the Casa del Obrero Mundial was shut down • The Constitution of 1917 called for free education, but Carranza ignored this • The spirit of the constitution was only represented through Carranza’s revolutionary nationalism • During World War I Mexico remained neutral • Carranza legalized civil divorce, established alimony rights and allowed women to own property, which appealed to upper and middle class women • The Law of Family Relations was signed on April 9, 1917, which gave women equal rights to guardianship and child custody, allowed women to file lawsuits, and to sign contracts • Carranza was unable to defeat Villa who he was battling in the north, or Zapata who he was battling in the south • On April 10, 1919, Zapata was killed, but his supporters did not give up their fight for tierra y libertad • Legally, Carranza’s term was supposed to end in 1920 • The constitution did not allow for reelection so Carranza tried to extend his power by having a weak president whom he could control • This was rejected by Obregón • Carranza then fled to Veracruz in May of 1920 with 5 million pesos from the national treasury • On May 21 he was killed

Works Cited Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. A History of Latin America. 7th ed. Boston, MA. Houghton Mifflin, 2004.

=**Venustiano Carranza 1859-1920**= <span style="font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 19px;">

By Gizelle Baylon
**Biography:**

-Born: Dec. 29, 1859 Cuatro Cienegas, Mexico. -Died: May 20/21, 1920, Tlaxcalantonga. -Son of a landowner, he got involved in local and state politics 1877. -In 1910, while he was the Governor of Coahuila, he joined with Madero in the struggle against Porfirio Diaz. -Similar to Madero but had military background. -In 1913, he led the Constitutionalist Army against Victoriano Huerta, who had assassinated Madero. -In 1914, Carranza’s Constitutionalist Army started to divide up.

-Issued in March 26, 1913.
 * Plan de Guadalupe:**

-Declared Huerta’s leadership illegitmate. -Declared himself “1st Chief of Constitutionalist Army.” -Called for the restoration of constitutional government. -Did not mention social reforms. -Followed by edicts saying: (Obregon) -Restoration of ejiodos. -Restoration of better conditions for the poor.
 * Plan de Guadalupe**
 * 1) General Victoriano Huerta is not recognized as the President of the Republic.
 * 2) The Legislative and Judicial Powers of the Federation are also not recognized.
 * 3) Thirty days after the publication of this plan, States will not be recognized if they still acknowledge the Federal Powers of the current Administration.
 * 4) Venustiano Carranza will be the First Chief of Constitutionalist Army.
 * 5) When the Constitutionalists Army occupies Mexico City, the First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army will be temporarily in charge of Executive Powers, or whoever that would substitute him in command.
 * 6) Once peace is consolidated, the temporary President will hold elections and hand over the powers to the citizen that is elected.
 * 7) The First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army will act as a provisional governor in the states who governments recognize that of Huerta, he will call for elections, and then will hand the title to the elected citizen.

Actual plan in the link below. __[]__

-By April 1913, he commanded about 40,000 men. He was also recognized as the first chief of the revolution by state legislatures. -Pancho Villa soon joined him, and remained head of Northern Division. -Also gained Alvaro Obregon as the commander of the Army of the Northwest. -Niagara Falls Conference 1914 It involved Argentina, Brazil, Chile, U.S., and Mexico. The U.S wanted to get rid of Huerta and establish a new government in which it could control. They were fine with Carranza because the peasant leaders Villa and Zapata were obviously unacceptable. However, Carranza did not take Woodrow Wilson’s bait. He sent Mexican representatives to inform U.S delegates that Mexico would deal with their own problems without foreign involvement. -By this time, Huerta’s regime was imminent. Constitutionalist were in control of the North, due to Villa, and Obregon was able to seize important railroad and industrial centers. -Carranza had opposed U.S military intervention when they occupied Veracruz. -Conflicts that led to division -Carranza and Villa rivalry. -Personal problems such as Carranza’s jealousy of Villa as a rival. -Carranza’s failure to define his position on critical topics such as agrarian reforms, the new political order and the role of the Church. -These conflicts led to the Aguascalientes Convention of 1914, to settle the matter.
 * As leader of Constitutionalists:**

Works Cited:

Class Lecture using Powerpoint. IB History of Americas. West Anchorage H.S., Anchorage. 8 Oct. 2009. Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. //A History of Latin America//. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print. "**Venustiano Carranza**." __Encyclopædia Britannica__. 2009. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 18 Oct. 2009 <[|__**http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/96883/Venustiano-Carranza**__]>.

__** Aguascalientes Convention of 1914 By Christina Cho **__ There was a fear that with the recent forced resignation of "the common enemy", General Victoriano Huerta, the same revolutionary bands that caused him to fall may <span style="color: #000000; font-family: Verdana,Geneva,sans-serif;"> begin fighting against each other (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 5). In fact, there was an emergence of differences amongst the Constitutionalists (the northern revolutionary group that opposed Huerta) that caused them to split. The two main leaders of the Constitutionalist army, Venustiano Carranza, who acted as the "First Chief" and General Francisco "Pancho" Villa, were feuding. This conflict, along with the lack of agreement the Constitutionalists had with Emiliano Zapata's Southern revolutionary forces, and the serious lack of communication resulted in a precipitous slurry of divergences, conflict, and confusion (Keen, Haynes 290). Carranza added on to the conflict by ignoring his own revolutionary program, the Plan de Guadalupe, which declared that either Carranza or another person will be designated as the provisional president as soon as Huerta had fallen (Mabry). Other problems included Carranza's inability to move on important issues as the agrarian matter, the church, and the new political stance (Keen, Haynes 290). With the increasing rise of tensions, it became clear that the revolutionary groups had to meet together to settle out an appointment of a provisional president and to develop a means for a transition into "regular government" (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 5). Carranza attempted to alleviate the problems by calling a few revolutionary leaders to meet in Mexico City on October 1, 1914. There were two main problems with the declaration of this meeting. The first was that he made sure not to ask leaders that supported either Villa or Zapata, so as to only invite those leaders that supported him. The second issue with this meeting was that Carranza was clear to state that this meeting would be "strictly an advisory body that could make recommendations to him (a junta) rather than a group that could make [actual,] independent decisions on Mexico's political, economic, and social problems (a convention)" (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 5). Because Villa did not approve of Carranza's actions, he publicly broke with Carranza (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 5); this move was confirmed by Carranza's "unilateral occupation of the capitol" (Keen, Haynes 290). On September 30th, Villa denounced Carranza's proposed meeting, and also called for the removal of Carranza. On the same day, Carranza's top general, Alvaro Obregón, told Carranza that he will be meeting with several other revolutionary leaders will hold a proper convention, not a junta, on October 10 in Aguascalientes (Villareal).

Carranza still held his junta, where he suggested his resignation in a speech. The delegates of the junta all felt that the removal of Carranza was necessary, displaying "a willingness to sacrifice Carranza in the interest of domestic peace", but decided to postpone the decision until the Aguascalientes Convention (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 6). Another important decision this junta made was to attend the Aguascalientes Convention by sending only military leaders. This junta proved to be a good preview for what was set to come in Aguascalientes.<span style="color: #000000; font-family: Verdana,Geneva,sans-serif;"> Aguascalientes was supposed to a neutral site; the revolutionary attendees even agreed to not have any military movement for the duration of the convention. However, realistically, with men like Villa around there was a heavy militaristic surrounding in this town at the time. Villa had on hand, 40,000 men within a day's distance and 15,000 within two-hours' distance from Aguascalientes (Mabry). Villa's massive military presence during the convention was a mere component of the unequal representation in the convention. Attendance was restricted to military leaders, with representation based on the number of troops they had on the field, but this restriction was evaded by the many civilians or persons to obtained military rank just for the occasion that ended up attending (Quirk 125). Many of the participants were mere representatives of military leaders. Interesting enough, even the most important characters, Carranza and Zapata didn't show up. Villa barely participated; he only made a brief, ceremonial appearance (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 6). A crucial part of the convention was when representatives of Zapata finally decided to show up on October 26. However, this was an incredibly confusing affair, as the Zapatista delegates, who were in fact civilians that had obtained military rank to attend, demanded to speak and even vote in the convention while refusing to present any credentials (Quirk 126). This bizarre composition of attendees resulted in some interesting politics. Of about 150 members, Villa held 37 delegates, and Zapata held 26 (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 6). The rest weren't necessarily in support of Carranza; these were the military leaders who wanted to control their own politics instead of laying it into the hands of the three players. In fact, Carranza did not have very many military leaders that supported him because of his previously calls and support for //civilismo// (civilian control of politics). Pride had a lot to do with why Carranza did not attend. He believed that if he attended he would be "reducing [his] influence to that of just another delegate" (Cumberland 78). Carranza's attitudes towards the convention were adament, and he refused to recognize the convention as one that could make actual decisions, he saw as just another junta meeting. He gave a statement to Obregón to be read at the convention, where he stated that he would only "dispose" of himself as First Chief if Villa and Zapata resigned as well (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 7). Also in this statement, he called those in opposition to himself "enemies of the Mexican people" and threatened to mobilize the Constitutionalist forces against them (Villareal). After these outlandish displays and threats, a secret session came together to bring considerations for the resignations of Carranza and Villa to a vote. Carranza's votes revealed that even though Carranza was only considering a resignation, and only under specific conditions, the people were willing to get rid of him, and also, that only 20 people voted to deny resignation showing how little support Carranza really had.

Late in October, the convention had proceed to try and elect a provisional president. By November 1, it seemed as if General Eulalio Gutiérrez, a general that played a small role in the Huerta struggle and was, at the time, the governor of San Luis Potosí, had rendered the most support, receiving the support of even Obregón himself (Cumberland 84). Zapata, however, argued that this election wasn't fair because his party had not completely arrived at the convention to come and vote. Thus, to appease him, the convention decided that Gutiérrez's presidency would only last until November 20 of that year, at which point the convention would then have to confirm his presidency. In light of this reaction, on November 2, Villa arrived in town with large bands of troops and artillery (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 7). This stressed the convention to recognize that lack of control Gutiérrez had, and forced them to give Carranza an ultimatum to resign but the tenth of November. When Carranza didn't respond, the convention declared that he was "in rebellion" (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 7) against the convention, which was exactly what he was doing; he "refused to accept the decisions of the convention" (Keen, Haynes 290). Carranza responded with a slow-motion evacuation of Mexico City.

The convention was a complete failure because all three revolutionary factions were unwilling to negotiate with another. Sides were taken and nearly 200,000 Mexican lives were lost in battles amongst these factions (Coerver, Pasztor, and Buffington 8).

__Works Cited:__

Coerver, Don M., Suzanne B. Pasztor, and Robert M. Buffington. "Aguascalientes, Convention of." //Mexico: an encyclopedia of contemporary culture and history//. 1st ed. 1 vol. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2004. Print.

Cumberland, Charles C. Mexican Revolution: the Constitutionalist Years. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1972.

Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. //A History of Latin America//. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.

Mabry, Donald J. "1914, Convention of Aguascalientes." //Historical Text Archive//. 2009. The Historical Text Archive, Web. 17 Oct 2009. <http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=446>.

Quirk, Robert E. __The Mexican Revolution 1914-1915: The Convention of Aguascalientes__. Westport: Greenwood (1981). Print. Villarreal, Antonio I. "Manifesto of the Convention of Aguascalientes (1914-11-06)." //Wikisource//. 06 Nov 1914. Aguascalientes Convention, Web. 19 Oct 2009. <http://es.wikisource.org/wiki/Manifiesto_de_la_Convenci%C3%B3n_de_Aguascalientes_(1914-11-06)>.

__Photo Citations:

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Alvaro Obregon: A Revolutionary Profile __ Paul Johnston Ferguson Álvaro Obregón was born in 1880 in a small town in the state of Sonora in Mexico (Encarta). He was the last of eight children, and his father died when he was still an infant. As a result, his mother and sisters raised him. The family had little cash, and Obregón dropped out of school at a young age. Later on, he gathered some funds off of a small chick pea farm he bought and invented his own type of chick pea harvester. He also taught himself photography and carpentry, among other things (Minster). In 1912, two years after the Mexican Revolution had officially started, Obregón organized a force of about 400 local peasants and fought in the militia of the current President of Mexico, Francisco Indalecio Madero (Encarta). He was quickly promoted to Colonel, and this was the start of his successful military career. After Victoriano Huerta executed Madero in February 1913 and claimed the Presidency, Obregón quickly organized a force of nearly 6,000 men and joined with Venustiano Carranza to oust Huerta from Presidency (Minster). Obregón soon showed his adeptness as a general, as he used trenches, barbed wire and foxholes to great effect. Huerta soon resigned as President on July 15, 1914 after overwhelming pressure from Obregón and Carranza through his defeat at the Battle of Zacatecas (Minster). On August 11 of 1914, Obregón moved into Mexico City to claim it for Carranza, who would later become President in the same year. Pancho Villa later captured and threatened to kill Obregón, and after that he did not trust Villa (Minster). This relationship with Villa would not improve much, as later on Obregón and Villa would become adversaries. During the 1914 Convention of Aguascalientes, Carranza was forced to resign as President, but he refused. Villa declared that he would use military force against Carranza, but Obregón defended him as he and Carranza were allies. Villa attempted to oust Obregón’s forces in the Sonora region, but Obregón’s use of trenches with stationary machine guns soon overpowered Villa’s tactic of cavalry charges and the fact that Obregón was a superior military tactician spelled disaster for Villa’s forces. Villa was defeated in the Battle of Trinidad and retreated from Sonora to soon be crushed by Carranza’s forces weeks later (Minster). Obregón lost his right arm in his battles against Villa, however, so not everything was successful for Obregón (Encarta). Carranza was made President in early 1917, and by June 1919, Obregón expressed his interest for the Presidency by campaigning. Carranza disliked Obregón’s bid for Presidency as he wanted Ignacio Bonillas to replace him instead. Obregón had popular support from his excellent war efforts and his large army, however, and inevitably won the Presidential elections in September 1920 (Minster). His Presidency can be noted for instituting land and education reform, and for his execution of Villa in 1923, as Villa was still a military threat to his Presidency. Obregón did not run for the 1924 elections, but did later on campaign in late 1927. He was elected President in early July of 1928, but his second Presidency was short lived as he was assassinated at the La Bombilla restaurant just outside of Mexico City on July 17, 1928, and died of multiple gunshot wounds to the head. His assassin was later executed (Minster).

Works Cited

Minster, Christopher. "Biography of Alvaro Obregon: The Mexican Revolution's Military Genius." //About.com: Latin American History//. The New York Times, 2009. Web. 18 Oct. 2009. <http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/ thehistoryofmexico/a/obregon_4.htm>.

"Obregon, Álvaro." //Encarta Reference Library Plus// //DVD// //2004//. Microsoft, 1993-2003. CD-ROM. __


 * The Constitution of 1917** - Jon Derman Harris

In 1913, Venustiano Carranza, while still Governor of Coahuila, issued the Plan of Guadalupe, which called for the overthrow of the Huerta military dictatorship. Carranza and his “Constitutionalist” army aimed at reinstating a Constitutional government. The Constitution that Huerta ruled under was written in 1857, and had been in place during the Diaz regime as well. Revolutionaries such as Villa, Zapata, and Gonzalez, Carranza and Obregon were the leaders of the anti-Huerta movement, disputes among power left the movement factional. When Carranza emerged as the acting President, he called for a Constitutional Convention to be held in Querétaro, lasting from November 20, 1916 to January 31, 1917. The only delegates invited were men who supported Carranza’s 1913 Plan of Guadalupe, but the Convention’s main writers, including Francisco Mugica, comprised a radically liberal bloc. No women were invited to the Convention, but female revolutionaries such as Hermila Galindo were influential in lobbying for the equality of citizenship granted in this Constitution. Many delegates opposed gender equality on the basis that women could not understand the working world and would thus oppose the fiercely liberal Constitutional provisions on labor reforms and land ownership restrictions. Carranza’s election on February 5, 1917 made him the first President since Madero to be elected legally.
 * Constitutional Convention:**

• ARTICLE 3 – Concerning Education: o All State education shall be free, and compulsory up through the elementary level o The National Congress shall have full financial responsibility over state schools o Explicitly forbids religious schools, and the presence of religious ministers from any involvement in educational institutions
 * Major Articles of the Constitution:**

• ARTICLE 27 – Concerning land ownership: o Allows land expropriation by the landless from adjacent land in excess concentration o Claims Mexican State ownership of all subsoil minerals, deposits, metals, metalloids, precious stones, petroleum hydrocarbon in all forms, and salts o The Mexican State shall be the only producer of electricity and exploiter of petroleum resources o Grants Executive extremely liberal power with the ability to nullify any transactions, or monopolizations of land, water, or subsoil resources. Executive has broad expropriation power to redistribute land o “The Nation shall at all times have the right to impose on private property such limitations as the public interest may demand.” o Only Mexicans or Mexican-owned companies have a legal right to ownership of Mexican land, water, and subsoil materials. o Religious institutions may not own any land, water, or subsoil materials o Declares all federal transactions of communal lands since December 1, 1876 to be null and void. o Provides for the creation of a Federally Executive Committee with jurisdiction over application of agrarian laws. o Affords states right to place ceiling limits on land ownership

• ARTICLE 34 – Concerning citizenship: o Gives equal citizenship to men and women

• ARTICLE 35 – Concerning citizenship: o Grants citizens right of petition, right to vote, right to associate, right to bear arms while active in the Mexican Army or National Guard, and right to run for office

• ARTICLE 123 – Concerning labor: o Eight hour work day, 6 day week o Child labor prohibited, minimum wage accounted for o Women have maternity privileges, and equal pay for equal work o Right to strike, unionize o Wages must be paid in money o Employers must compensate employees in cases of injury and disease o Right for government to be directly involved in organized labor condition negotiations o An unjust dismissal of a worker must be followed with three month’s pay o Gives the Board of Conciliation and Arbitration complete jurisdiction over recognizing the validity of all contracts, employments, as well as arbitration over individual, collective, and interunion disputes. o Social security law will insure against the following: disability, life, unemployment

Zedillo, Ernesto. “The Constitution of 1917.” Presidency of the Republic: Internet System of the Presidency: Mexico. January 31, 1917. Sunday, October 19, 2009. <http://zedillo.presidencia.gob.mx/welcome/index.htm> “1917 Constitution of Mexico.” Monday, October 20, 2009. <http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/mexico/1917-Constitution.htm> Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. //A History of Latin America//. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.
 * Bibliography:**

__**ANDREW ASPEOTIS /Cody McWilliams** n Land Reform n Labor Reform n Education n U.S. Relations__

__ //In a world, where Mexico is ravished by tyranny and despotism,// //as Venustiano Carranza gives into the vices of dictators past –making a sick marionette out of the electoral process –and hits the nadir of his reign, a// //warrior rises from the ashes of retirement to exile corruption from the heart of Mexico. Álvaro Obregón claims the title of El Presidente of Mexico on December 1st, 1920. His key reformation points are of land, labor, and education, as well as reconciling the differences between the U.S. and Mexico, thusly easing the everyday lives of Mexicans. Obregón seeks approval with all major groups except for that of radicals and large land owners. He wants his policies to emulate those of the days of Diaz. He creates a modern day “Pan o Palo”. Meaning that compliance with his policies will lead to prosperity, but a failure to acquiesce would drop the mighty club of Mexico on the heads of the disobedient. Land Reform Obregón slows land reform to a near halt, but he uses the reformation as a tool to control the level of contentment of the peasants. He knows that the people of Mexico hold his fate. If the possible radical or militant peasants like him they will fight for him. (Starks) With this he can establish a strong central government and further implement his modern day “Pan o Palo”. He does enforce article 27 of the 1917 constitution. Any land seized during was given back to its rightful owner. Thus giving land large land holders a little more protection. Obregón limited private land holdings to 145 hectares, and ejidos to about 3 hectares. (Stacy 456) Obregón uses Article 27 of the 1917 constitution to expropriate land from the hacendados. He then returns these lands to the many landless villages. This made some people very happy, and others very angry, overall it was a swell move. The villagers are the backbone of society. They are the one who decide whether to revolt or not. If one of hacendados decides to revolt they would lose, because the mass of the populous would side with Obregón, consequently leading to a victory for Obregón. This segment of his reform was slow due to the fact that the landlords did not like getting their land expropriated. They would try taking legal actions, but they’d fall because Obregón was backed by the constitution. Then they’d put up an armed resistance, which would not go over so well because Obregón had the people on his side. The people’s hero has all his bases covered. (Starks) Obregón has a good thing going, but his land reformation is still a bit of a failure. Díaz Soto y Gama becomes the head of the agrarian commission. Soon the agrarian reform commission becomes corrupt, and the money for the commission is dry. Obregón gives the people all the land they need to farm and make the country sustainable. He completes a task where many have failed before him. Yet he runs out of funds for the little things. His peasants do not receive the proper training so that they can maximize production, they are not given the necessary tools to do their jobs, and the government fails to provide the most essential resources in farming, the seeds.(Starks) These factors –the little things – should have been easy for the Obregón administration, and a little bit of corruption. Labor Reform Obregón’s business with labor unions started before his presidency. During the revolt against Carranza the labor union Casa de Obrera Mundial sent 3 regiments of men to help Obregón defeat Villa. In exchange for this show of good faith Obregón implements Article 123 of the 1917 constitution. He gives workers the right to organize, he allows them to strike, states a minimum wage, and he sets the maximum hours that a person can work. (Starks) Obregón’s foremost labor union was the CROM (Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana). It was run by Luis Morones an ostentatious man he would often wear fancy clothes and ride in limousines. The CROM was the only union at the time that had ties to the government. The Obregón administration sponsored and protected them. Despite Monrones’ connections he was not a great spokesperson. The benefits he acquired for his workers were sparse and insufficient. When the cost of living went up Monrones’ lack of ability to gain an increase in remuneration for his workers left his them in a difficult financial position. (Keen, and Haynes 296) Education Obregón is a powerful advocate of educating the Mexican youth, because of his desire to maximize his countries potential. To achieve this he appointed José Vasconcelos –one of Mexico’s leading intellectuals –as secretary of public education. Obregón and Vasconcelos, to teach basic literary and mathematical skills, started the cultural mission program. Vasconcelos endeavored to create new type of rural school called La Casa del Pueblo (The House of the People) across Mexico, as part of the school curriculum students were required to read the classics. The teachers were generally unprepared and unqualified. Conflict arose between the secular and religious schools because the church denounced the new form of secular education. Prompted by the lack of qualified educational professionals, Obregón decided it best to disregard article 3 of the 1917 constitution. Obregón thought it was better to be taught by a priest then be illiterate (Starks) Along with the creation of schools across the country Vasconcelos wanted to develop the artistic ability of the Mexican populous. As a result of Vasconcelos’ effort to promote artistic development a Mexican muralism movement began in Mexico. Obregón bid famous Mexican artists such as Diego Rivera and José Orozco to create murals that portrayed the spirit of the Mexican revolution upon the surfaces of public buildings through out the country. The rise in literacy and artistic prowess gave Mexicans the opportunities to grow as intellectuals. Thus expanding the possibilities for the future, education is the foundation of a prosperous nation. Without it the Mexico’s infrastructure would surly crumble as it has many times before. (Keen, and Haynes 296) U.S. Relations Like Huerta, one of Obregón’s top priorities was gaining recognition of his regime by the United States government. Although he denied the request of the United States to retract article 27 from the constitution Obregón did make some concessions to the United States to gain their approval. In the Mexican Supreme Court case brought by Texas Oil the court ruled that article 27 did not apply retroactively, meaning that American companies in Mexico before the constitution of 1917 could remain in business. In addition De la Huerta signed a deal that acknowledged the $1.451 million debt to international bankers. In August 1923 at the Bucareli conference agreed that Mexico won’t expropriate an foreign oil companies in exchange for Obregón’s recognition by the United States government. This brought ridicule by the Mexican populous upon Obregón. Claims circulated that Obregón was a sell out for his actions at the conference. (Mabry) The four key issues –land, labor, education, and U.S relations –have positive consequences for Obregón. In December 1923 De la Huerta leads a coup against Obregón. Friendly relations with the United States allowed for the sale of arms to Obregón’s forces. This combined with the support he gains from giving land to landless villages, and his support of labor unions gives him the resources he needs to crush the De la Huerta’s revolt.

To help remember Obregón’s presidency we gave you a little acronym. Just remember to keep it FRESH. F inances drained from the agrarian reform fund. R eformation of land and labor E ducation sensation sweeps Mexico (Teachers excited but unqualified. S uccess in U.S relations (Obregón accepted by the U.S) H acendados’ land expropriated and given to landless villages

Starks, Carrie. "Obregón, Alvaro—Transformation of Mexico." historicaltextarchive.com. The Historical Text Archive, Web. 17 Oct 2009. <http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=574>.

Stacy, Lee. Mexico and the United States. Tarrytown, NY: Marshall Cavendish Corporation, 2003. Print.

Mabry, Don. "historicaltextarchive.com." Obregón, Alvaro (1880-1928). The Historical Text Archive, Web. 17 Oct 2009. <http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=449>. Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. A History of Latin America. 7th. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Print.//__

__//**Jose Vasconcelos**//__

<span style="font-family: Verdana,Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 17px;"> __// <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif; font-style: normal;">-Jose Vasconcelos was born on February 28, 1882 in Oaxaca, Mexico, into a middle-class family -He attended the Escuela de Jurisprudencia in Mexico City, where he received his law degree -Vasconcelos was a supporter of Francisco Madero and later helped organize the movement against the dictator Victoriano Huerta (Johnson) **<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif;">Vasconcelos Under Obregon ** <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif;"> -Vasconcelos was appointed to Secretary of Education under President Alvaro Obregon -Vasconcelos was a great supporter of education and believed that “to educate was to redeem” -He launched a large-scale program designed to bring health and literature to native villages, and more than 4,000 rural teachers were trained -Working in collaboration with Vasconcelos was Professor Elena Torres (Founder of the Mexican National Council of Women) and Felipe Carillo Puerto (Yucatan state governor), who was a staunch supporter of progressive reform, including women’s rights -Vasconcelos also founded specialized schools, including agricultural institutions (Keen and Haynes 297) **<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif;">Further Work and Legacy of Vasconcelos ** <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif; font-style: normal;"> -Vasconcelos ran for President in 1929, but was defeated and fled to the United States, where he began his autobiographical chronicle, consisting of four volumes: Ulises Criollo (A Creole Ulysses), La Tormenta (The Storm), El Desastre (The Disaster), and El Proconsulado (The Proconsulate) -Vasconcelos was not only a lawyer, but and educator and philosopher
 * Early Life of Jose Vasconcelos<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif; font-weight: normal;"> **

<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif;"> Bibliography Keen, Benjamin and Haynes, Keith. A History of Latin America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2004. Johnson, Travis. “Vasconcelos, Jose.” Historical Text Archive. //<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman',Times,serif;"> n.p. n.d. Web. 15 Oct. 2009. < http://historicaltextarchive.com>. __

=__**Lázaro Cárdenas** (1934-1940)__=

__- His Presidency__ - His Six Year Plan( PNR)
__-Cardenas and the Oil Expropriation.__

__Cárdenas and his Presidenc__y
Cardenas was born in Jiquilpan, Michoacán, Mexico on May 21,1895. Cardenas was always known for being a very serious and quiet man. Cardenas father died in 1911 and he was left to be the man of the house, which meant taking care of his seven brothers and sisters who would later follow his political and military role. He was a very political person and when the Mexican Revolution broke out he had an involvement in it. At the time he was working in a local prison and let his prisoners go in 1913 so that he could start the Maderistas. The Maderistas were the rebels that resisted the government of General Huerta (1854-1916). Cardenas also fought in Poncho Villa’s army ( 1878-1923) which was a plus for Cardenas because Villa was fighting against Huerta also. In 1915 Cardenas joined the Constitutionalist and ended up siding with Obregon during the revolt of Prieta against Villa. in 1923 he was captures and escaped later and was forced to hide out in Guadalajara, Mexico for about seven years. After that he began to rise quickly through military ranks. Cardenas became governor of his birthplace Michoacán (1928-1932). He was elected president of the Partido Nacional Revolcionario (PNR) by President Calles in 1929. The (PNR) was a party to reinforce the revolutionary regime. ​

Cardenas turned out to be a great presidential candidate. With his election being official, Cardenas still had time to carry out a great campaign. He visited every city, town, and village in the country. During this campaign, Cardenas made sure to carry out the PNR’s six-year plan.

__Cárdenas Six-Year Plan(1934-1940)__
The PNR announced a Six-Year Plan of political and social reform. Cardenas took this plan very seriously and did everything he could to meet the provisions during his six-year term. The plan called for a restoration of the ejidos system, build modern schools and develop workers’ cooperatives.

__Cardenista Agrarian Land Reform (1934-1940)__
Lazaro Cárdenas proposed a new model for the Ejidos. Peasant agriculture was the mew form of modernization. Cárdenas changed the agrarian legislation, so that the land was distributed among the landless laborers on haciendas. The peons had never belonged to rural villages but had complete control over that communal land that was taken away under the liberal reform of the 19th century and stolen by the haciendas. The land reform program was promised to make the peasants over the Mexican lands countryside. Under Cárdenas a good majority was redistributed to peasants under all previous post-revolutionary governments. Cárdenas reforms made sure that the Ejidos had quality agricultural resources, irrigation works, and agro-industrial facilities. The land reforms also made sure that the Ejidos state credit, financial resources, investment by state roads, canals, etc) and technical assistance.

__Oil Crisis & Economic Independence__
This was the expropriation of all oil reserves, facilities, and foreign oil companies in Mexico of 1938. Cardenas’s had declared that all the mineral and oil reserves found within Mexico belong to the government. Since Cardenas’s was president this meant that all the oil reserves found in Mexican soil belonged to the Nation, that went to Article 27 of the Constitution on 1917.Article 27 states that, the nation is the original owner of the all the lands, waters and subsoil’s. It also states that the state could expropriate with compensation and that all acts passed since the land law of 1856 transferred ownership of the Ejidos was rule to void. On March 18th, 1938, Cardenas nationalized Mexico's petrolum reserves and expropriated the equipment of the foreign oil companies in Mexico.

__Works Cited__
__Keen,__ //A History of Latin America// __Jim Truck, Mr. Clean: the phenomenon of Lázaro Cárdenas (1895–1970) published Oct 9,2008__ __© 2008 http://anthropology.ac.uk/Era_Resources/Era/Peasants/mexican_land_reform.html__

Art during the Mexican Revolution: The Mexican Mural Movement of the 1920s and 1930s
Helen Irene Muller

Timeline

 * Diego Rivera born December 8, 1886
 * Jose Clemente Orozco born November 23, 1883
 * David Alfaro Siqueiros born December 29, 1896
 * First mural – Rivera –1922, //Creation//
 * First mural – Orozco – 1922, //The Elements//
 * First mural – Siqueiros – 1932, //Tropical America//
 * Rivera joins communist party – 1922
 * Siqueiros joins communist party – 1922
 * Orozco dies September 7, 1949
 * Rivera dies November 24, 1957
 * Siqueiros dies January 6, 1974

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The Mexican Mural Movement began in the 1920s and was sponsored by the government under Vasconcelos (Keen, Haynes). It gained momentum and reached its peak in the 1930s. The movement, which was primarily Marxist, was led by los tres grandes, or “the three big ones”—Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros (PBS). These three artists, and others whom they inspired, revived the style of muralism which had fallen into disuse. The frescoes they created were considered teaching devices for the Mexican population, and they were found in universities, parks, and other public places. The murals mainly focused on indigenous lifestyles and rural Mexico. The object was to make the plights of the peasants of the country obvious to the entire population.======

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Diego Rivera is considered the greatest Mexican painter of the 20 th century (PBS). He began painting at a very early age and soon moved to Europe to study the works of great artists of the time, including Cezanne and Matisse. His greatest contribution to international and American art was the revival of the mural, which he discovered when studying the frescoes of the Renaissance style of art. Rivera worked tirelessly with Vasconcelos’ government to start the Mexican Mural movement. He was commissioned to produce works of art in several locations in the United States, and his work was the inspiration for President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Works Progress Administration (WPA) employment program during the Great Depression which helped US citizens find jobs, some of which revolved around the Arts and producing large public murals (PBS). Most of Rivera’s murals revolved around themes of human suffering and technological progress in Mexico.======



Jose Clemente Orozco
Jose Clemente Orozco, like Diego Rivera and David Siqueiros, studied at the San Carlos Academy for Fine Arts in Mexico City (WFU). He was deeply influenced by 19th century engraver Jose Posada, and his work was concentrated heavily on human suffering and the plight of the peasants. Also, he was interested in the mechanics of technology, and this is reflected in many of his murals. In his life at the Academy, he was active in student protests and was hardened psychologically by the loss of his right hand in an accident in his childhood (WFU). Orozco’s paintings were clear and depictive; he painted the most realistically of the Big Three. Because of this, his paintings were often violent. Orozco’s work centered on the difference between social ideals and the reality in rural Mexico.



David Alfaro Siqueiros
David Alfaro Siqueiros worked with Orozco and Rivera in promoting the Mexican Mural Movement. He was the most extreme of the three politically. A man both lauded and rejected by the Mexican Communist Party, Siqueiros was exiled from Mexico twice (in 1932 and 1940) and was a conspirator in a plot to assassinate Leon Trotsky (Tuck). He gained his Socialist identity in the early 1920s when he travelled throughout rural Mexico with the Constitutionalist Army. Though his paintings were not as realistic as those of Orozco, Siqueiros was concerned about the viability of art which served no real purpose, and therefore attempted to retain classical styles of art while making the subject matter reflect political issues of the time (Tuck). Orozco is a prime example of a political activist who used the Arts to promote his beliefs.



Works Cited:
"Diego Rivera." PBS. Web. <http://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/episodes/diego-rivera/about-the-artist/64/>. “Jose Clemente Orozco 1883-1949.” Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Web. 20 Oct. 2009. <http://www.wfu.edu/history/StudentWork/fysprojects/kmason/Orozco.htm>.

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Tuck, Jim. "The artist as activist: David Alfaro Siqueiros (1896–1974)." Mexconnect. 9 Oct. 2008. Web. <http://www.mexconnect.com/articles/309-the-artist-as-activist-david-alfaro- siqueiros-1896%E2%80%931974>.====== <span style="color: #262a2c; font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 20px;">"Mural Painting - Mural Painting Art." Web. 20 Oct. 2009. <http://www.huntfor.com/arthistory/C20th/muralpaint.htm>.